[Three for All] [Mens et Manus]


From: dks@eagle.mit.edu
Date: Sat Jul 29 1995 16:49:09
Subject: Re: Solution to Poverty(?)
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Curveball


  ataylor@superior.carleton.ca (alex taylor) writes:
  >  Mark LaRochelle   wrote:
  >  >ataylor@superior.carleton.ca (alex taylor) wrote:
  >  >
  >  >>  [...]  The most significant indicator of success in
  >  >>  the U.S. is the social economic class of the parents.
  >  > 
  >  > Dead False. Parental SES was the strongest correlate to final
  >  > SES in the US in the past, and still is in most other
  >  > countries, but has recently been surpassed in the US by what is
  >  > now a much stronger correlate: cognative ability, as measured
  >  > by IQ tests and the like.
  >  > The statistics are in Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein,
  >  > *The Bell Curve*
  > 
  > 
  > Citing a book that was panned by responsible social scientists
  > and researchers of other stripes for its poor methodology and
  > pseudo-scientific conclusions hardly constitutes a refutation.
  > I've read the book in question. It's vile trash.


It is trash.

And even if it were not vile, it would still be trash.

The following article may serve as a short critique of
_The_Bell_Curve_.  It is taken from the May/June 1995
issue of _Technology_Review_.  The writer also remarks
upon the treatment the book received in the mass media.


Cheers,
Dhanesh



  |  
  |  
  |  "Curveball,"
  |  by Ellen Ruppel Shell
  |  
  |  
  |         BOOK REVIEW:
  |  
  |         _The_Bell_Curve_
  |         Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein
  |         The Free Press, $30.00
  |  
  |  
  |  The overnight sensation The Bell Curve, cowritten by social
  |  scientist Charles Murray and the late Harvard psychologist
  |  Richard Herrnstein, has provoked the venting of enough
  |  spleen to send sales of blood-pressure medication through
  |  the roof. It has been the talk of dinner parties, the
  |  subject of seminars, and the toast of publishing titans,
  |  most of whom count their successes not in scholarly awards
  |  but in dollars, like everyone else. The success of The Bell
  |  Curve was such that to live "comfortably" (as my mother
  |  would say), Murray need never put pen to paper again, and
  |  for that, I suppose, we should be grateful.
  |  
  |  Unfortunately, we journalists still have to scratch for our
  |  suppers, so my guess is that commentary on the book will,
  |  like the bunny in that annoying battery commercial, keep
  |  going and going and going. The question is, why? Why was
  |  The Bell Curve given full, front-page exposure in the New
  |  York Times Book Review? Why did it command cover-story
  |  status in news magazines and generous portions of air time
  |  on talk shows? Why was The Bell Curve a story?
  |  
  |  The answer is certainly not to be found in that tiresome
  |  journalistic bromide, that Murray's ideas are "news." The
  |  Bell Curve is not news but a rehashing of an old, worn-out
  |  discussion of the link between genetics and intelligence.
  |  It argues that intellectuals and policymakers, their hearts
  |  bleeding into their brains, have underestimated the role of
  |  intelligence in determining life success. It contends that
  |  the poor are poor not because they are unlucky, deprived,
  |  or discriminated against but, darn it, because they are
  |  dumb. It suggests that rather than trying to educate these
  |  dullards to the standards required by what Newt Gingrich
  |  calls our "third-wave information age," society should
  |  provide them with menial tasks suited to their limited
  |  talents. And according to Bell Curve calculations, African
  |  Americans, on average, are dumber than other Americans and
  |  therefore as a group must regretfully be relegated to the
  |  bottom of the heap, where, well fed and much appreciated
  |  for performing the tasks they were born to, they will be
  |  happier and far less trouble.
  |  
  |  These views the authors duly anoint with statistics. By
  |  converting ideology into charts and graphs, they claim to
  |  have purged it of subjectivity, to have scrubbed off the
  |  moldy agenda they say their critics conceal like derringers
  |  in their boots. But in fact they commit the cardinal sin of
  |  statistical analysis -- they set out to prove, not
  |  disprove, their hypothesis. And in so doing they take so
  |  many gleeful leaps of logic that cascading through their
  |  arguments is like slipping down Alice's rabbit hole into a
  |  world that is at once plausible and surreal.
  |  
  |  One small example is the manner in which they "prove" that
  |  low intelligence -- not low motivation, as some argue -- is
  |  the reason blacks do less well than whites on standardized
  |  tests. The authors begin by asserting that "smarter people
  |  process faster than less smart people." One could easily
  |  quibble with that, but for the sake of argument, I won't.
  |  They then describe a test in which subjects are asked to
  |  put their finger on a button in the middle of a circle of
  |  dimmed lights, and to dart their finger as quickly as
  |  possible to a button near any light in the circle that is
  |  suddenly turned on. Blacks, on average, are at first slower
  |  to react to the light, but move more quickly to extinguish
  |  it once they do react.
  |  
  |  The slight hesitation followed by the rapid hand movement,
  |  the authors say, indicates both the black subjects' clear
  |  motivation to perform the task (why do they move quickly if
  |  they don't care?) and their lower intelligence (if they
  |  were smart, they would react more quickly in the first
  |  place). But to accept this interpretation, one must assume
  |  that blacks were trying their hardest -- we must discount,
  |  for example, that they might have reacted or moved their
  |  hands even faster if they really cared about the silly
  |  test. The authors also ignore the very real possibility
  |  that blacks and whites have a different reaction style --
  |  that blacks may hesitate a split second to make sure of
  |  their choice, knowing they can move rapidly to douse the
  |  light once they are convinced it is lit. Both
  |  interpretations have been suggested by other commentators
  |  on this particular test. However, not by Herrnstein and
  |  Murray. This trick of putting a complex question before the
  |  reader and then presenting a possible solution as though it
  |  were the definitive one is typical of The Bell Curve.
  |  Naturally, most of the "solutions" put forward are
  |  supportive of the book's underlying thesis.
  |  
  |  
  |  The Pesky Journalistic Itch
  |  
  |  By reducing ideology, the purview of the right-brained, to
  |  statistics, the domain of the left-brained, Murray
  |  succeeded in confusing many journalists and talk-show hosts
  |  long enough to get some serious notice before the ax fell.
  |  But this only partially explains The Bell Curve's success.
  |  Perhaps more fundamental was the fact that the book claims
  |  to take a steely-eyed look at the "facts" about genetics
  |  and intelligence, a look that reveals some politically
  |  unpopular but terribly important truths. This is
  |  particularly appealing to journalists, who today are
  |  pressured to back down from what is perceived as their
  |  soft-hearted but muddle-minded liberal agenda. What surely
  |  would have been laughed off as racist blather a decade ago
  |  took on a shroud of authenticity in this brave new world of
  |  "hard truths"; whether we liked it or not, journalists were
  |  compelled to take The Bell Curve seriously.
  |  
  |  This is not to say that we necessarily read its 552 pages
  |  of text, or pored over its 90-page appendices or 100 pages
  |  of "notes" -- who had time for that? No, we put the book on
  |  our desks and stared at it long enough to find a grain of
  |  truth on which to hang our "objective" response. In some
  |  cases, such as in the Wall Street Journal, Newsweek, and
  |  the Boston Globe, that response consisted of picking up on
  |  Murray's lament that his theory was wrongfully dismissed by
  |  serious scholars such as psychologists Howard Gardner of
  |  Harvard, Robert Sternberg of Yale, and Richard Nisbett of
  |  the University of Michigan not because it is unsupported
  |  but because it is politically incorrect. Some journalists
  |  went so far as to quote Murray, saying that clear-headed
  |  scientists agreed with his theories in private but would
  |  not speak out for fear of disturbing the equal-opportunity
  |  police.
  |  
  |  "The science behind The Bell Curve is overwhelmingly
  |  mainstream," wrote Geoffrey Cowley in Newsweek. "In short,
  |  cognitive inequality is not a political preference. It's a
  |  simple fact of life." Cowley provided evidence of this in
  |  the form of a 1984 survey in which 53 percent of social
  |  scientists agreed that "the black-white gap involves
  |  genetic as well as environmental factors." But that finding
  |  indicates only that a modest majority of social scientists
  |  think genetics as well as environmental factors influence
  |  intelligence. The Bell Curve, by contrast, contends that
  |  genetics swamps environmental effects to such a degree that
  |  different ethnic groups must approach life with a whole
  |  different set of expectations.
  |  
  |  If political correctness has anything to do with serious
  |  critiques of Murray's ideas, it is not a lot. Social
  |  scientists are not so sure that intelligence can be
  |  measured by any single test, or that it should be -- and
  |  many are sure that it cannot and should not be measured
  |  this way. In any case, even psychometricians, psychologists
  |  who make their living quantifying intelligence and
  |  designing intelligence tests, would not agree that
  |  intelligence based on a single measure (what The Bell Curve
  |  calls "g") can prove one group's intellectual superiority
  |  over another. That is Murray's idea.
  |  
  |  All this was made painfully clear by Gardner, Nisbett, and
  |  others in letters to the editor and opinion pieces in
  |  magazines and newspapers. And that analysis was dutifully
  |  picked up by journalists in a parallel wave of coverage.
  |  These reports, charging Murray as an opportunistic
  |  ideologue, seemed, on their face, more thoughtful. But in
  |  fact, much of the reporting was not thoughtful at all. It
  |  was simply reactive -- a new way of milking The Bell Curve
  |  for stories.
  |  
  |  The analysts who took a good, hard look at The Bell Curve's
  |  arguments exposed them not as firebombs but as dried-up old
  |  chestnuts. These included paleontologist Stephen J. Gould
  |  in his essays in Discover and the New Yorker, historian
  |  Adolph Reed, Jr. in his review in the Nation, and
  |  sociologist Thomas Sowell in an article in the American
  |  Spectator, a journal noted for, if anything, political
  |  incorrectness. Sowell dismissed The Bell Curve's rather
  |  curvy logic by pointing out that "groups outside the
  |  cultural mainstream of contemporary Western society tend to
  |  do their worst on abstract questions, whatever their race
  |  might be." (Mastering abstractions is, according to The
  |  Bell Curve, the sine qua non of intelligence.) Gould, Reed,
  |  and Sowell addressed The Bell Curve on its merits, not only
  |  on what they perceived as its authors' political agenda,
  |  and all found it sorely lacking.
  |  
  |  Had journalists been equally judicious -- less reactive,
  |  less eager to make as well as report the news -- perhaps
  |  the tempest would have remained in its teapot. Instead, at
  |  this writing, the book sits cuddled in its niche on the New
  |  York Times bestseller list, wedged between an expose on the
  |  secret life of cats and Barbara Bush's memoir. Murray, like
  |  Tiny Tim, is a creature of the media, and as such is entitled
  |  to his 15 minutes of fame. Let's just hope we have the good
  |  sense not to give him any more than that, because Bell Curve:
  |  The Movie might be too much for any of us to bear.
  |  
  |  
  |  ELLEN RUPPEL SHELL,
  |  codirector of the Graduate Program in Science Journalism at
  |  Boston University, is a widely published science writer.
  |  
  |  (c) 1995, _Technology_Review_, all rights reserved.
  | 
  |
  
  

This article was reproduced with the publisher's permission.


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